SEDE VACANTE 1292-1294

Starting a Conclave

The Conclave ought to have begun by mid-April at the latest. There were two parties among the Cardinals, one led by Matteo Rosso Orsini, the other by Giacopo Colonna. Giovanni Villani writes (Book VII, chapter 150; col. 341): vaco la Chiesa per discordia de' Cardinali 18 mesi (sic), che l'una parte voleva Papa a petitione del Re Carlo , onde era capo Messer Matteo Rosso delli Orsini; della contraria parte era capo Messer Jacopo de' Colonnesi. As Cardinal Stefaneschi puts it (line 200 ff., Muratori RIS, p. 622):

Once again, the Cardinals chose to ignore the explicit instructions in the Conclave Constitution of Gregory X. They could not be brought to agree on the place in which they would hold the Conclave. Cardinal Latino Orsini tried his best to bring a conclave together, first at Santa Maria Maggiore, then at Nicholas' Palace at Santa Sabina, then at Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Each effort failed. Rome was plunged into civil war between the Orsini and the Colonna. There was a contested election for Senator of Rome. Though the Roman cardinals remained in the city, therefore, they were split in their loyalties and unwilling to entrust their safety to each other. Other cardinals dispersed instead of assembling. Benedetto Caetani, claiming a long-standing illness, returned to Agnani, his home town. Hugues de Billon and three other cardinals retired to Reate. On August 2, 1293, Cardinal Cholet died, leaving only eleven electors. Only in September, 1292, after the summer heat had dissipated, Caetani, Matthew of Acquasparta, and Bianchi returned to the city. But still there was no conclave. In 1293, anarchy continued in Rome. Senators (Agapitus Colonna and Ursus Orsini) were elected around Easter, obviously an attempt to end the bloodshed by appointing one senator from each faction; but they died in office. Cardinals Hughes and Matthew returned to Reate. Caetani went off by himself to Viterbo. Only three of the Roman cardinals ultimately remained in the city (Stefaneschi, in Muratore RIS, p. 616 col. 1). There began to be a real fear of schism.

In October, 1293, two neutral senators were appointed, Peter Stefaneschi (father of the future poet and Cardinal) and Oddo of San Eustachio. The cardinals finally decided, negotiating through intermediaries, to meet at Perugia on the Feast of Saint Luke the Evangelist (October 23). Virtually the whole of the winter passed, however, without any progress toward finding a successor to Nicholas IV. Then Charles II of Sicily, who was returning from French territory, and his eldest son Charles Martel of Hungary, who was coming up from Apulia by way of Capua and Rome to meet his father, came to Perugia to see the Cardinals in conclave. King Charles exhorted the cardinals toward a quick election, to which Cardinal Latino Orsini made a formal response. At some point, Charles and Cardinal Benedetto Caetani exchanged words with one another (as Jordanus reports, quoted by Baronius-Reynaldus sub anno 1293, ii, p. 126):

Rex Carolus de Provincia veniens per Perusiam transit: ad eligendum Pontificem Cardinales precibus inducit. Dura quoque verba cum domino Benedicto Gaitani habuit; nihil tamen profecit.

Dom Luigi Tosti (p. 59, following Platina and Cardinal Stefaneschi) spins a circumstantial and perfervid narrative:

The Cardinals had prepared extravagant honors for [King Charles]. Two of them, Napoleon Orsini and Peter Colonna, with a numerous escort went out of the city to meet him; and the others received him at the doors of the Church, and made him sit down among them in the conclave. Nay more, the first seat was given to Charles, King of Naples, placing him between the first two Cardinal Bishops; the second seat was given to his son between the first two Cardinal Deacons. An unbecoming session and full of danger. They were bound by the chains of discord, and they had desired to be bound also by those of a prince. Charles made a speech to the cardinals, exhorting them to elect a pope quickly; Cardinal Latino replied for them. All these proceedings Gaetani beheld and heard with great displeasure, and indignation. For a princely layman to be seated in the first place among the papal electors in the sacred councils was an intrusion into affairs which the Church holds most dear and which she would not allow a profane hand to touch; and the presence of a king among prelates, already weakened by dissensions, was a lessening of their liberty. Nor is it to be believed that that speech of the king advising a quick election was prompted by love for the Church and religion. He sesired to see a pope elected, yet he wanted one according to his own liking and who would further his own interests and this action was not a suppression of discord but rather a fomenter of it, and an impertinence. In fact he was sharply rebuked by Gaetani, who himself in a violent manner had tried to compel the electors to bring the affair to a termination. We know not whether it was from these rebukes, or from others which Gaetani gave him for his impertinent intrusion, arose those sharp words which passed between Gaetani and the King.

Regrettably, Tosti is applying the ideology of the 19th century to circumstances of the 13th. King Charles' own father had sat down with the cardinals during the Conclave of 1268-1270 and harangued them about electing a pope. So had the Emperor Fredrick II. Fredrick had even threatened them and destroyed their personal property in order to encourage them to do their canonical job. Tosti makes reference to Bartolomeo Platina for his facts, but all that Platina says (Latin edittion of 1568, edited by Onuphrio Panvinio, p. 243) is:

Haec autem incommoda Carolus secundus rex Neapolitanus prospiciens, e Narbonensi provincia Perusium veniens, cardinales ipsos saepius ad concordiam et electionem pontificis adhortatus est. Nec id quidem facere destitisset vir insignis, nisi acriter reprehensus a Benedicto Caetano patria Anagnino, quod instando acerbe nimium, ipsis cardinalibus vim afferre videretur; quorum suffragia libera esse deberent.

Platina's specific mention of Ptolemaeus of Lucca six sentences later makes clear what his source of information is. In the Venetian edition of 1763 (p. 161 n), the text of Platina is supplemented with a note containing material derived from Cardinal Stefaneschi and from Muratori's Annali (Vol. XIX, p. 137), who in turn derives his material from Ptolemy of Lucca and the Cronica Senense. It is mostly the poem of Cardinal Stefaneschi (I. viii, 380-424, p. 625-626) which is embellished by Dom Luigi Tosti:

Now when one considers what Stefaneschi says, it is quite unlikely that King Charles participated in a Conclave Congregation. Tosti declines to translate the line Applausere jocis, vultu, risuque, loquela, which would seem to indicate that what was going on was a reception, not an electoral meeting. And his view that everyone was angry is contradicted by Stefaneschi's words. The anger is found in Ptolemy of Lucca. In any event, perhaps the next day, perhaps a few days after his appearance, Charles made his farewell and departed for Apulia.

Election of Pietro Murrone

The Sede Vacante had been in progress for two years and three months. The six Roman cardinals had the majority of the eleven votes, but they would never agree on one of their own number on either side as Pope. At the same time, together they could block the election of any of the non-Roman cardinals. The non-Romans, as it happened, had no cause or personality to rally around. The good will and obedience of the vassals of the Church was beginning to slip. Orvieto was meditating the acquisition of Volsnii (Bolsena). The Sacred College had to write to the magistrates of Viterbo on May 28 from Perugia not to attempt to profit from the bad example of Orvieto by assisting or encouraging them, or attempt to seize property of the Church on their own [Baronius-Raynaldus, sub anno 1294, i]. It was now the first week of July of 1294. A younger brother of Cardinal Napoleone Orsini had died at the end of June. During a meeting of the cardinals in Perugia, Cardinal Boccamati and Cardinal Latino Orsini made casual mention of some visions they had heard about. Cardinal Caetani asked whether they were talking about a vision received by Brother Peter, the hermit of Mount Murrone near Sulmone (who had received approval for his little religious group from Pope Gregory X at the Council of Lyons). Latino Orsini replied in the affirmative, and Brother Peter became the subject of discussion (Muratori, 139). Suddenly and unanimously, on Monday, July 5, 1294, the Cardinals elected Peter Murrone pope. Raynaldus quotes the remarkable electoral announcement (Baronius-Raynaldus sub anno 1294, vi; Baronius-Theiner 23, sub anno 1294, no. 6, p. 131;  Acta Sanctorum Maii Vol. 4, 426 C-E;  Matthei, Summa Constitutionum Summorum Pontificium, p. 38):

Nos miseratione divina Frater Latinus Ostiensis, Gerardus Sabinensis, Joannes Tusculanus, et Frater Matthaeus Portuensis episcopi; Hugo tit. S. Sabinae, Petrus tit. S. Marci et Benedictus tit. S. Martini presbyteri; Matthaeus S. Mariae in porticu, Jacobus S. Mariae in Via Lata, Neapoleo S. Adriani et Petrus S. Eustachii, diaconi Cardinales, notum facimus quod anno Domini MCCXCIV mense julii, die lunae, v. mensis ejusdem Apostolica sede per obitum felicis recordationis Nicolai Papae IV. vacante, post diversos tractatus diversis temporibus habitos per nos super electione summi Pontificis, quibus non accessit effectus, in communi consistorio solito more convenimus, absente venerabili fratre nostro Petro tit S. Marci presbytero supradicto, qui erat in hospitio suo infirmitate seu debilitate detentus; demum inter nos ex insperato seu improviso de venerabili ac religioso patre Fratre Petro de Murrhone ordinis S. Benedicti, celebris sanctitatis viro, habita mentiones, omnes, qui tunc praesentes eramus in consistorio supradicto, ad personam ejus intentae considerationis intuitum dirigentes, in ipsum quasi divinitus inspirati, non sine lacrymarum effusione, nullo prorsus discordante consensimus: et venerabiles fratres nostros dominos Johannem episcopum Tusculan., Hugonem et Jacobum praelibatos ad praefatum Petrum presbyterum Cardinalem transmissus ad perscrutandum super huiusmodi negotio votum suum; qui ejusdem fratris Petri audito nomine, devote consensit similiter in eundem, prout iidem Cardinales ad eum trasmissi, sicut praemittitur, in nostra praesentia retulerunt: nosque volentes efficacius procedere in hac parte, praedicto eligendi suo et omnium nostrum nomine memoratum Fratrem Petrum de Murrhone in ecclesiae Romanae Pontificem et pastorem plenam, et liberam viva voce concessimus potestatem. Qui potestate ipsa recepta, nobis praesentibus, ut praemittetur, eam illico effaciter adimplevit, eundem suo et nostro nomine ex potestate sibi tradita in Romanum Pontificem eligendo; ac nos, electionem de dicto Fratre Petro factam per eundem episcopum Ostiensem ratam habentes eundem Fratrem Petrum de Murrhone, licet absentem, devote recipimus in nostrum et ejusdem Romanae Ecclesiae episcopum et pastorem. In cujus rei testimonium et evidentiam pleniorem praesentem scripturam fieri fecimus, nostrisque muniri sigillis et subscriptionibus roborari. Actum Perusii anno, monse, et die praedictis.

The notice of his election, bearing the date of July 11, 1294, was carried to Brother Peter by the Archbishop of Lyons (Beraldus de Got), the bishops of Orvieto (Francesco Monaldeschi) and Portuensis (Oporto? Julianus Mendez?), and two Apostolic notaries [Baronius-Raynaldus, sub anno 1294, vii; Baronius-Theiner, sub anno 1294, no. 7, pp. 131-132]. There must have been some difficulty in locating him, and persuading him to come down from his hermitage, as far as Aquila.  Ptolemy wrote that he attempted to flee, along with a disciple, Roberto Salentino, but that the crowds of people impeded his escape.  Among them was Charles Martel, "King of Hungary" and heir of King Charles I of Sicily.  Aquila was, after all, in his father's domain.  The legates were accompanied by Cardinal Pietro Colonna, who was pressing to be the first to bring the news (Stefaneschi, II.ii.3, lines 222-228, in Muratori RIS, pp. 628-629):

Peter accepted his election, though the exact date is unknown.  He does, however, sign a document as pope at Aquila, on August 17, 1294, suscepti a nobis apostolatus officii a(nn)o 1.   He was not yet crowned, hence the unusal datum.

Coronation

The Cardinals wished the new Pope to come to Perugia so that he could be crowned by the Cardinal Protodeacon in their presence. Celestine admits in a letter to King Charles on October 22 (Raynaldus, s.a. 1294, xvii; p. 154 col. 1) that several cardinals were afraid to enter the territories of King Charles at that time because they feared being kept there and denied the free election of a future pope. Charles had had to swear an oath through his procurator at the Papal Curia that he would not impede the cardinals from coming and going freely in his domains. But Charles II, who, like his father, had long been Peter's protector, insisted that Pope Celestine be crowned in the King's domains. Celestine had reached Aquila from his hermitage, when he was joined by two cardinals who had rushed to his side on their own initiative, not at the order of the Sacred College (Stefaneschi, Book III.i.5, 135-139 Muratori, 634):

Hugues de Billon and Napoleone Orsini had come, of course, in their own interests. Hugh convinced the new Pope to appoint one of his friends to the Cardinalate (but he was disappointed when the first promotion of cardinals took place to find that his friend's name had not been included). Orsini was there, of course, because Pietro Colonna was already with the Pope and plotting the future management of the Pope with King Charles of Sicily.

On August 10 (or July 29) Cardinal Latino Malabranca Orsini died. He had been instrumental in managing the Conclave of 1292-1294, and bore considerable responsibility for foisting upon the Church a thoroughly incompetent octogenarian recluse as Pope. Celestine is stated to have been 86 at the time of his death (Anonymous of Paris 5375, p. 183).

The Coronation of Celestine V

Celestine V was crowned in the city of Aquila in Apulia in the Church of Santa Maria di Colle Maggio on the Feast of the Beheading of St. John the Baptist (August 29, 1294). Ptolemy of Lucca says that 200,000 persons were present.

On September 3, 1294, though, the new Pope wrote to the King of England [Rymer, Foedera II (London 1708), 654-655; Potthast 23957]:

Mirabilia Dei judicia, quorum scrutationes abyssus sunt, multa tremenda pariter et stupenda mortalibus, sic in altum se erigunt, sic intellectum tenuem nostrae imbecillitatis excedunt, quod, cum sit super omnes terrae terminos lumen ejus, ad contemplandam altitudinem divitiarum sapientiae, atque scientiae suae immensae, nec comprehensiones humanae sufficiunt, nec comprehensiones humanae sufficiunt, nec depressi sensus nostrae humilis fragilitatis attingunt.

Ipse quidem, terribilis in consiliis, super filios hominum dominatur in virtute sua in aeternum:  Et, cum sit spectator omnium, cunctorum praescius, visionisque ejus praesens semper aeternitas, sic cum nostrorum actuun futura qualitate concurrit, ut cuncta suaviter disponat recto judicio, et creata singula arbitrio moderetur aeterno.

Ipse coelos, terram creavit et maria ac, pro soliditate firmissima, sacrosanctam Romanam Ecclesiam supra petram fidei soliditate firmavit; illud ei tribuens, in apostolicae protectionis fortitudine, fundamentum ut quamvis, sanctibus ventis, fluctuare videatur; interdum ingruentibus tamen, fluctibus nequeat procellosae tempestatis emergi: Licet enim, vel crebra decedentium mutatione pastorum, in varias fluctuationes frequenter inciderit; vel per mundanae malignitatis incursus, persecutionibus gravibus fuerit fatigata frequentius, nunquam tamen eam caelestis consilii altitudo deseruit, quo minus robur ipsius in qualibet tribulatione proficeret, et inde obtineret spei suae gaudium, unde receperat fidei firmamentum.

Piae siquidem recordationis Nicolao Papa quarto, Praedecessore nostro, debitum naturae solvente, ejusque corpore honorificentia debita ecclesiasticae tradito sepulturae, habitus est a fratribus nostris de futuri Pastoris substitutuone tractatus; in quo successive (proch dolor!)  Ipsa Romana ecclesia, per non modica spatia temporum, viduitatis incomoda deploravit:

Sed benignus  sapientiae spiritus, in ipsis vespertinis angustiis, rigans montes de superioribus suis,  eorumdem fratrum corda disparia pia inspiratione praeveniens, subito et celeriter conjunxit in unum; illud momento quasi, perficiens, ad quod diffusi temporis spatium fructum debitum non adduxit.

Ipsi namque fratres denuo de sola providentia summi Patris, et ejus permissione mirabili, in humilitatem nostram omnes unanimiter concordantes: Nos, tunc fratrem Petrum de Murrone, ordinis Sancti Benedicti, ad summi Apostolatus apicem evocarunt; nobis decretum evocationis hujusmodi per speciales eorum nuntios destinantes.

Quanquam autem tanti oneris moles, nostris debilibus importabilis humeris, illius utpote, qui in humili statu positus, et solitudine heremi longissimis educatus temporibus, mundanorum negotiorum cura deposita elegeramus semper, pro tutiori consilio, in domo Domini solitarius abici, nostram insufficientiam stupore nimirum tremendae discussionis invaderet,

Considerantes tamen quod prolixior mora in subrogatione pastoris, trahebat ecclesiae ac gregi dominico periculosum per universa mundi climata nocumentum: Et ne vocationi divinae resisteree videremur; demum dconfidentes in illo qui facit fortem ex debili: Balbutientibus eloquentiam tribuit:  Exurgit benignus in occursum timentium, et implorantium nomen suum:  In semitis suis clementer dirigit et perficit gressus hominis: Ac sperantes in eo qui nunquam deserit inconsultos: Et a quo vocationem nostram hujusmodi processisse fideliter supponimus, et humiliter confitemur;

Impositum nobis onus ipsum assumpsimus, ac in eo divinae miser4icordiae nostrum subjecimus imperfectum; sperantes quod ipsa benignius in beneplacito suo diriget actus nostros ad sui laudem et gloriam, exaltationem ipsius matris ecclesiae, ac statum prosperum fidei Christianae, nec nos, inexpertum et humilem, in tam grandis, dispositione sua, maris altitudine positum derelinquet, a fluctuationibus non adjutum.

Excellentiam itaque Regiam monemus, rogamus et hortamur attente, ac obsecramus in filio Dei Patris, quatinus recognoscens a domino tibi traditam potestatem, sic in semitis mandatorum suorum ambules, et in conspectu ejus linees vias tuas, quod per cultum justitiae, religionis amorem, et observantiam aequitatis, aeterno patri gratum te praebeas, et, per tuum utile regnantis ministerium, firmetur thronus praesidentis in solio, pax et tranquillitas subditis tuis proveniant, et vicinis gentibus quies placida, per prespasionem quandam fructuosae alluvionis, accedat.

Nos enim, qui ad personam, domumque Regiam sic affectu praecipuo, et zelo internae caritatis afficimur, quod vehementer appetimus, et oramus te in actibus tuis proficere laudandis exemplis, et com Dei beneplacito crescere continuis incrementis, affectum tibi sincerae benignitatis expandimus, et sinum caritatis solidae aperimus, proponentes, in quibus cum Deo poterimus, Regio honori deferre, ac tua et Regni tui comodo, pro quibus ad nos cum securitate recurrere poteris, in promptitudine paternae benivolentiae promovere.

Dat. Aquilae 3. Non. Septembris, Pontificatus nostri anno primo.

On September 18, 1294, Celestine created twelve new cardinals, two of whom were members of his own religious community (Tommaso d' Ocre and Francesco Ronci), three of whom were Benedictines, and seven of whom were French. He also made King Charles' Chancellor, Guglielmo Longhi, a Cardinal Deacon. The College of Cardinals were greatly offended that they had not been consulted on the nominations, as tradition required. Stefaneschi accuses King Charles II of having arranged the entire promotion list to his own satisfaction, in order to control the Papacy. The charge is repeated by Giovanni Villani, who writes (Book VIII, chapter 6; col. 341): a petitione et per consiglio del Re Carlo di Puglia. Ptolemy of Lucca says (Raynaldus, sub anno 1264, xvi; p. 153);

Fecit autem post hoc ad petitionem Regis unam magnam ordinationem Cardinalium, inter quos tres fuerunt de regno, videlicet dominus Landulphus de Neapoli, unus de ordine suo, qui vocatus est dominus Thomas, tertius fuit autem archiepiscopus Beneventanus, qui ante fuerat abbas Montiscassini: fecit et cancellarium Regis dominum Guillelmum de Pergamo, fecit et dominum Joannem Monachi et archiepiscopum Lugdunensem, ac archiepiscopum Bituricensem, primus vocatus dominus Beraldus de Glocho, et factus est Albanensis, secundus factus est Penestrinus.

It was expected that the Pope would return immediately to Rome, but Charles influenced Celestine to take up residence in his kingdom. According to the Anonymous of Paris ms. 5375 (p. 172), et sic de mense octobri tota curia romana iter arripuit Neapolitanum. The Pope took up residence in Naples (November 5, 1294), where he lived in the Castel Nuovo. Made aware repeatedly of his deficiencies, he resigned the papacy on December 13, 1294.

Bibliography

Giovanni Villani, Ioannis Villani Florentini Historia Universalis (ed. Giovanni Battista Recanati (Milan 1728) [Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Tomus Decimustertius].  "Annales Georgii Stellae,"   in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 17 (Milano 1730), 945-1021.

Odoricus Raynaldus [Rainaldi], Annales Ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII. ubi desint Cardinalis Baronius, auctore Odorico Raynaldi. Accedunt in hac Editione notae chronologicae, criticae, historicae... auctore Joanne Dominico Mansi Lucensi   Tomus Quartus [Volume XXIII] (Lucca: Leonardo Venturini 1749), sub anno 1287 no. ix (p. 21); sub anno 1288 no. i (p. 26).

Bernard Guidone, "Vita Nicolai Papae IV", in Ludovicus Antonius Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores Tomus Tertius (Milan 1723), 612-613. Bernard Guidone, "Vita Coelestini Papae V," in Muratori, 669-670. Bernard Guidone, "Vita Bonifacii VIII," in Muratori, 670-672. Bernard Guidonis [Gui], OP, of Royères in the Limousin, Bishop of Lodève (ca. 1261—1331):   U. Chevalier, Repertoire I, 1919-1920.   Cardinal Giacomo Caetani Stefaneschi, "Vita Coelestini Papae V Opus Metricum," in Muratori, 613-641.

Bartolomeo Platina, Historia B. Platinae de vitis pontificum Romanorum ... longe quam antea emendatior, doctissimarumque adnotationum Onuphrii Panvinii accessione nunc illustrior reddita... (Colonia: apud Maternum Cholinum MDLXVIII). Bartolomeo Platina, Historia B. Platinae de vitis pontificum Romanorum ...cui etiam nunc accessit supplementum... per Onuphrium [Panvinium]... et deinde per Antonium Cicarellam (Cologne: Cholini 1626). Bartolomeo Platina, Storia delle vite de' pontefice edizione novissima Tomo Terzo (Venezia: Ferrarin 1763) 148-153.  Pierre Dupuy, Histoire du differend d' entre le Pape Bonfiace VIII et Philippes le Bel Roy de France (Paris 1655).  Lorenzo Cardella, Memorie storiche de' cardinali della Santa Romana Chiesa Tomo primo Parte secondo (Roma: Pagliarini 1792). Giuseppe Piatti, Storia critico-cronologica de' Romani Pontefici E de' Generali e Provinciali Concilj Tomo settimo (Poli 1767) 341-352.  Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Annali d' Italia Volume 19 (Firenze 1827), 137-143.

Acta Sanctorum Maii Vol. IV, coll. 422-426. Celidonio, J., Vita di S. Pietro del Morrone Celestino V, scritta su documenti coevi (Sulmona 1896). "St. Pierre Celestin et ses premiers biographes," Analecta Bollandiana XVI (Bruxelles 1897) 365-487.  Peter Herde, Colestin V (1294) (Peter vom Morone): Der Engelpapa (Stuttgart, 1981).

Anonymous of Paris 5375 (Auctor Coaevus): published in Analecta Bollandiana IX (1890) 147-200. [The Anonymous states (p. 186): "nos vero illa narramus miracula, quae nobis per Domnum Thomam de Roca Morici et per Fratrum Nicolaum de Marsi hoc modo reperta sunt.Quando idem pater sanctus de mundo migravit, venerabilis pater Domnus Thomas cardinalis suas nobis litteras dignatus est mittere...." ]

Actenstücke: A. Fanta, F. Kaltenbrunner, E.v. Ottenthal (editors), Actenstücke zur Geschichte des Deutschen Reiches unter den Königen Rudolf I. und Albrecht I. (Wien 1889).

Paolo Pietropaoli,  "Il Conclave di Perugia e l'elezione di Pier Celestino," Celestino V ed il VI centenario della sua Incornazione (Aquila 1894), 97-114.

Johann Peter Kirsch, Die FInanzverwaltung des Kardinalkollegiums im XIII. und XIV. Jahrhundert (Münster 1895).  A. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia e "familiae" cardinalizie I (Padova: Antenore 1972).   Peter Herder, "Das Kardinalskollegium und der Feldzug vom Orvieto im Val del Lago (1294),"   in Erwin Gatz (editor), Romische Kurie. Kirchiliche Finanzen. Vatikanisches Archiv. Studien zu Ehren von Hermann Hoberg (Roma: Universita Gregoriana Editrice 1979), 325-376.   

Louis [Luigi] Tosti [OSB], History of Pope Boniface VIII and his times (tr. E. J. Donnelly) (New York 1911; original edition in Italian, 1846).  Otto Schiff, Studien zur Geschichte Papst Nikolaus' IV. (Berlin 1897).  Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII (Münster: Aschendorff 1902).  F. Gregorovius, History of Rome in the Middle Ages, Volume V.2 second edition, revised (London: George Bell, 1906), Book X, chapter 5, pp. 515-525. T.S.R. Boase,  Boniface VIII (London 1933). Antonio Corvi, Il processo di Bonifazio VIII. Studio critico (Roma 1948).

A. Huyskens, "Das Kapitel von S. Peter in Rom unter dem Einflusse der Orsini (1276-1342),"  Historisches Jahrbuch 27 (1906) 266-290.  Jochen Johrendt, Die Diener des Apostelfürsten: das Kapitel von St. Peter im Vatikan (11.-13. Jahrhundert) (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2011), pp. 186, 451-452.